THE crippling fuel shortages in Niger and the change in thinking towards development aid by the developed World are clear warnings to Africa on the urgent need to deepen regional integration, and more so for the self-proclaimed Alliance of Sahel States, AES countries, making a public show of quitting the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) at all costs.
Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso have effectively formalised their withdrawal from ECOWAS, having served notice to quit the regional economic bloc in January 2024, but the organisation in a demonstration of good faith, has allowed them a nine-month grace period until September 2025 to rejoin if they change their mind.
Last December, the Niger junta leader Abdourahamane Tchiani without any proof, went on his country’s state television to accuse Nigeria of attempts to destabilise Niger. Niger’s Foreign Minister, Bakary Yaou Sangare had also alleged that Nigerian government was complicit in a purported December 13 sabotage of the Niger-Benin oil pipeline in Gaya.
The Niger government summoned Nigeria’s Charge d’affaires in Niamey to complain.
Nigeria dismissed all the allegations as unfounded, while the ECOWAS Commission issued a public statement in defence of Nigeria.
As it turned out, and as Nigeria stated then, Tchiani was only using the playbook of the AES junta leaders – using propaganda and disinformation to divert attention from the mounting governance problems they faced.
Nigeria has no reason to destabilise its smaller neighbour, which it continues to support materially and otherwise, including in infrastructure development such as road construction, rail projects, and fuel supply at concessionary rates.
Three months on, reality has now dawned on the Tchiani-led junta. Niger has been facing unprecedented severe fuel shortages for several weeks, characterised by winding queues at the few filling stations with supply and the stifling economic activities across the land-locked country, listed by the United Nations Development Report as among the poorest in the World.
With nowhere else to go, the once arrogant Niamey junta turned to Nigeria for a bailout, but this time, without the usual publicity.
According to industry sources in Niamey and Abuja, the situation was so desperate that the Tchiani-led junta swallowed its pride and allowed a delegation led by the Chief Executive of the Niger Petroleum Company, SONIDEP to visit Abuja on an S.O.S. mission.
Following a meeting with Nigerian petroleum industry officials, which was largely unannounced “some 300 fuel trucks were approved for immediate delivery across the border to Niger,” according to the sources. The terms or details of the agreement were not available.
Industry officials in Niger blamed the severe fuel shortages on the confrontation between the junta government in Niamey and the Chinese oil companies, which have long dominated Niger’s petroleum sector.
The China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) was said to have granted the Niger government an advance of about US$400 million in 2024, using future crude oil deliveries as collateral to help Niger cope with the lingering effects of the sanctions earlier imposed by ECOWAS following the July 2023 military coup that brought the Tchiani regime to power – the sanctions have since been lifted.
When it was time for Niger to repay the Chinese, the cash-strapped junta government was alleged to have attempted to arm-twist China, forcing the Asian country to slap billions of dollars in tax demand on the Niger Refinery Company.
The escalated crisis culminated in the expulsion of three Chinese officials working in the Niger oil sector last week.
Official sources in Niamey said the move was the latest by the military government to “assert greater control over national resources.”
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In a separate development, Niger’s Ministry of Tourism is reported to have revoked the licence of a Chinese-operated hotel in Niamey, citing alleged discriminatory practices.
The two countries are said to be working to avoid a break-down of relations, particularly in the critical oil sector, which has also been hit by unresolved disputes over the Niger-Benin oil pipeline, a project designed to boost Niger’s crude exports.
The military junta had failed to publicly acknowledge the gravity of the economic crisis, with the State-controlled media reportedly ordered to maintain a news blackout on the national fuel shortages and the general economic hardship. But public anxiety is mounting amid spiralling inflation, high unemployment, especially among youths, and high cost of living, with desperate motorists resorting to the costly black-market for fuel, that is where the scarce commodity was available.
Despite the AES countries’ populist and arrogant posturing to leave ECOWAS, the regional organisation has left open, diplomatic channels for negotiations and rapprochement.
Ghana’s President John Mahama recently paid visits to the military governments of the three countries, with bilateral and regional issues featuring in the discussions.
Also, as the AES region grapples with heightened jihadist attacks and regional instability, a high-level nine-man delegation from the three countries visited Nigeria recently to understudy non-kinetic approaches to combating violent extremism.
Informed sources said the visit was in recognition of a policy shift in Nigeria borne out of the realisation that military option alone cannot defeat terrorism and insurgency. A recent study showed that about 7% of terrorist groups that operated between 1968 and 2006 were militarily defeated, while more than 40% of groups ended their violence through negotiated settlements.
The AES countries, which accused ECOWAS of being under external influence, as part of the reasons for their withdrawal, have severed major ties with Paris, closed French military bases and expelled French soldiers from their territories as part of their professed assertion of sovereignty and independence.
However, all three are still members of the West African Economic and Monetary Union, UEMOA, with French affiliation.
The French Treasury controls the national currency of the three countries, the franc CFA, fixes the exchange rate, and maintains their their bank reserves.
The junta leaders are also broadening relations with Russia and China, including military cooperation with Russia, while accusing ECOWAS of being under foreign influence.
But as the experience from the Niger fuel shortages and the cut of development aid by advanced economies have shown, regional cooperation and integration are the more realistic options for Africa’s sustained development and survival.
Speaking at the Munich Security Conference (MSC) in Germany in February, President Mahama described the USAID pullback by the President Donald Trump administration and the cut in development aid by Britain as “adversity in opportunity” for Africa. He emphasised the need for African countries to strengthen their economic resilience and reduce dependence on foreign aid.
In his address titled “Building or Burning Bridges: Economic and Development Cooperation Amid Multi-polarisation,” Mahama acknowledged the changing geopolitical dynamics. He noted that while the U.S. played a central role in shaping the post-World War II global order, its current shift could be disruptive.
In the same vein, Nigeria’s Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Director-General of the World Trade Organisation (WTO), recently told African leaders at the African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, to consider foreign aid as a thing of the past.
She urged them to be innovative and look inwards “to uplift the lots of your people instead of looking increasingly for help from where help is drying up.”
These teachable lessons are applicable to all African countries, especially the AES group.
It is within the rights of the AES members as sovereign nations to pursue their common interests both as Sahel States and ECOWAS members, just as similar other groups – Mano River Union, Zone of Prosperity, Conseil de l’Entente (Council of Accord or Understanding), UEMOA and the Chad Basin Authority/Commission.
